Newspapers / The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, … / Dec. 8, 1852, edition 1 / Page 1
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WEEKLY, $2-PER AkNUM IN ADVANCE. -' FDBT.TR1TET 1KVU5RV xovrtorearxh -Jrnmrf-" '" " 5 -M -z-. 1 1 . ; . ' r - a .. ' " , j ' - '' ' v miiiuai u.v v vJ3 tP VOLUME XVIII. .CIT- OF RALEIGH, NORTH.. CAROLINA, timkTmmm DECEMBERS, 1852. : ' . nitmrer m STANDARD. KALEIGH, SATURDAY, NOV. 4, 1852. THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE. . On Wednesday last the Electors of President Bij Vice President assembled in the Senate cham- ur jn this City, at 12 o'clock, M. in accordance ith law, and proceeded to organize and cast the m of North Carolina. The following Electors, , thn whole number, were in attend anro jgug . - Forthe fctate at large, James C. Dobbin. First District, William H. Thomas. Second District, Burton Craige. Third District, Walter F. Leak. Fourth District, Robert P. Dick. . Fifth District, Abraham Rencher. Sixth District, L. O'B. Branch. Seventh District, Samuel J. Person. Egfctfa District, D. G. W. Ward. ';uth District, Thomas Bragg. The Proclamation of the Governor, convening . n .1 U 1-v r. WT TXT I C .L. jeloliege, wits rvstu u u. vjr. y. ituiu, oi me . 1 TV i 1 rji'uiu - On motion of Mr. Bragg, Walter F. Leak, of the u Ttaeinrft. was annomtod President of the A A. jjflwe ; who, being conducted to the Chair, re- irnal his thanks for the honor and spoke as fol- Gentlemen of the Electoral College . I return you sj warmest thanks for the unmerited compliment ton nave iuoi pw.v,..g Uc . imcsiuc i kU kn.L pa j To say thai 1 do not leel proud or the honor you r 1 U l - 1 I 1 1 1 r . : i- . ! 1 - - - : 1 un vi f M -.t-.Tthprat variance with the emotions of mv bosom. At no period since ruj entering into public lite, :.:ve 1 been caiiea upon to aauress an auaience poiiti aiorutt:ervvise, in which I labored under as great a casion. My embarrassment originates less from not know- . .i ? . :. . r i: 1 i :g wnal to say intn aoio iu sj , a leeung x kiiuw VjU ana edCll 01 yuu ouu mux aiuuuu tau uiuic properly appreciate than i describe. While 1 have been ever rtaov, under any ana up- - 1 C . 1 . 1 1 I I I . en all occasions, to sianu iorin me numow auvocaie cf the principles of my party, and ihattoo in the hour r . . I -l . . I I ! I ti meir greatest necu, novT(iutsauaiiiB uaviug ueen fought and the victory won, I feel no disposition to duicre in any, tue slightest remara, mat may oe I i i I . 1 C l . . . : ve gentleman present. Yes, in the language of our distinguished political bier, with the man of noble, high minded and gen- nnna imnnln. tlm li nil P nf vinlnrv 1 Q 0 1 uiQUt I U hnnr .1 I . .i . may ijauiilj I l v atiu. hcuiivuiviii . iiwt au w mat -..L i . : t n That political controversy, circumscribed within proper limits, is both right and commendable, we t 1 F I - I lit J ..tiuiue IS V Ilill uu rrcii iiiiuinicu uiiiiu nui uciijr. I will cro further and say, that while it is the very Urn. iVit sitfitoine f ho roClol r f SCfafA irraot r a ibculd be taken that the excesses of party feeling ibnnlH h rtrain((t within nroner limits, lest its r , -- Ve have been contending, and as 1 know and bs- :ete on both sides, honestly contending for principle; 'e have met each other before- the proper forum, md then and there entered into our respective views governmental policy ; and I now congra tulate you ud congratulate the American people upon the ver tict which we are this day to record. They, the jurors of the respective vicinages, have declared, in thunder tones, too loud to be unheared, swell as too significant to be raisunderstoed, that 'la i m 1 r 11 ma li.Miliil rl i .r n I r n a ftm our political fathers, are the principles best cat- dialed to make us a great, a prosperous and a hap- V Peonle. t have now met to record that verdict, by select IT m.n I ... A nntnflal rt nrl r-ini t-Iio inki.li I tin - m I - I majority of the freemen of North Carolina have en- torsed. Ves, we have here assembled, and organized our- " inio an dieciordi uuiiKgr, auu in ine presence lrakn. . . .,?,. IV, . . t. I V:... 71 i ... ..... An important political right ; a right, which while u i Lsirmua ,ih tho thpnrv ann nraciicai ooeration 51 nil r . I n 1 mn tha l- i I . thai A mrl. - wibiiltUClllf " an ltumin.. .inhilii n MHihM nnps not consist i J '"J T - has been falsely charged) in every man s govern- ug himself, but in everv man s having the right to Vhen we say teat Democracy is equality, we do SOt mpan I. ..i ,.liiiiii annalilv nnl onnalilv Kr'i but that kind of equality consistent with the fttirni ..-J I ' HUl HUM IIIIUKI IIHII . American Democracv has as much to tear from ex- . " ... L .... .. -- euamy$ as irom marnea lnequamy sja muwu TDm I i n .i .. r f - i 1. , . f I i 1 1 r iiuiu aristocracy, which i a ciun mnan,n j . . vu 8enl'emen, Democracy as we nave prociaimeu )8 conservative in us character and has not one -K'e levelling trait. "0 man for one moment doubts either the patriot- Bnt . .l . e : c . i i ! l The patriotism of both Icoks to the improvement ffid the nnl v A,ffmTnim onn&ists in the means emolov- attain that end. Pai.ii; l f .. v T k, nflan ttinirhl d vnrx hi . iiniinoiAA.- ti innw wnn urn iiiuki "MIU IIII1C UiidWV T 1 " " -j no uuiiuuciiuaiiun. That is nm nairiotiflm which, by overlooking the , . -J p J r - "0 nalinnal slavatinn shonld mmr tut nurSUCQ at ii -1 . 1 1 m 1 1 o n i nniinmi i-iim i m: i r i . Jll!iia iU. I... nf rinkt I h nnKliM nf rirllt far.2L. . i t i i . .i """course of nations, as well is ot individuals. e should never forget, in the language of the Spired nensman. " thai ricrhteousness exalteth' a na- S" and I verily beliefe, that any de .arture there- VUn uiill - - ' " "''"' -' ii. niavWa i falrihlltinn A man haa tho natural rioht to the fruits Of his OWD "ill U UUC ilUJC ICVCITO 1 iO UICIIWJ sv.Mv..ww "flustiv. hm ha has no rioht to annronriate to his own " ine industry of another. it is wjih a nation ; it has a natural right to im ?roe its own condition, but it has no right to secure u"cn has never been the coarse ot the American Popl ei nor of those who constitute the American -rrf? W'!1 A I 1 A I V l DemoeracY. . ' - i --w - .--i - . ' m Democracy. They have always in the. language of the sage of the Hermitagesked nothing but what isright.neither win mey ever suomit to any thing that is wrong; . American Democracy, while it ever stands ready to secure the greatest good to the greatest number, has never yet went o far as to be ready to embark upon a crusade for the wide world's freedom, and while it deeply sympathizes for the oppressed of all nations, it never will quit its own to stand upon for eign ground." No, it stands inflexibly opposed to the wild sway of popular passion, to the lust of conquest, and to the intense cravings of hot blood for lawless gratification. Such is Fourierism, Agravianism, Fanny Wrisht- um, but it is any thing else than the Democracy we nave enforced. In conclusion, gentlemen, let we sav to vou. that the march of our principles is onward ; but victory does not always drop like ripe fruit into the lap of tne inuoient. , There mast be vigilance, organization, and a con centrated effort to secure it. I thank you again, gen tlemen, for the distinction conferred. On motion of Mr. Branch, Perrin Busbee, of Wake, was requested to act as Secretary to the College. Mr. Dobbin then moved that the College pro ceed to vote by ballot for President of the United ted States, and he nominated therefor Frankliw Pierce, of New Hampshire. The ten votes of the State were then cast for Fraxklin Pierce ; where upon Mr. Person nominated for Vice President Willi am R. King, of Alabama. The ten votes of the State were then cast for William R. Kino ; after which Mr. Craige moved that a Committee of two be appointed to superintend the signing, directing, and sealing the certificates of the votes : which was adopted, and Messrs. Craige and Ren- cher appointed said Committee. The College then took a recess until four o'clock, P. M.; at which time the College re-assembled, when Mr. Craige from the Committee, reported the certificates as ready for the signatures of the Electors, and the same were then signed agreeably to law. On motion of Mr. Rencher, William B. Gulick, of Wayne, was appointed Messenger to take charge of and deliver the certified list of votes to the President of the Senate, at the City of Washing ton ; and the President of the College delivered the same to the said Messenger, with instructions. On motion of Mr. Dick, the thanks of the Col lege were unanimously tendered to the Senate for the use of their chamber ; and on motion of Mr. Thomas, the thanks of the College were likewise unanimously tendered to the President for the dig uified manner in which he had discharged his du- ties, and to the secretary tor tne able manner in which he had performed his. The College then adjourned. There was a large concourse in attendance to witness the proceedings, which were conducted with much dignity and deliberation. The specta tors applauded warmly as the votes of the College were cast for Franklin Pierce and William R. King. This is the first Republican vote which this State has cast for President and Vice President, since 1836 ; but the " old North" is in the right path . l m it . P 1 .1 x 1 now, and we nave tne iituesi connaeuce mat sue will remain there. THE LEGISLATURE. We refer our readers to our legislative columns for proceedings from Tuesday to Thursday, inclu sive. On Thursday the Senate disagreed to the House m, -m Jm A. proposition to vote on that day tor an Attorney General, but agreed to vote to-day (Friday) for Supreme Court Judge. On the same day the two Houses voted twice for Senator. Mr. Dobbin and Gen. Saunders increased their vote, wnue Mr. Shepard's vote fell off. There were a number of scattering votes. We continue to hear, from all quarters, the strongest expressions from the Democracy in favor of Mr. Dobbin. He is gaining, as the vote shows; and all his friends have to do to ensure his election is to stand firmly by him. A full vote on the part of the Democrats for the nominee of the party, would at once put an end to the present state of things. And how long, may we be allowed to ask, is this condition of things to be continued ? Gentlemen who are refusing, for whatever reasons, to support the nominee, may rest assured that the eyes of the Democrats of the whole State are upon them ; and that if a Whig should slip in as the result of existing differences, they will be held to a strict accountability for such result. The pa tience of the Democratic people is well nigh ex hausted. HEALTH OF COL. KING. The last Richmond Enquirer, says : " We un derstand that Senator Clemens of Alabama, passed through this city Monday morning, from the South, on his way to Washington city, and that he was asked by a gentleman on the cars, as to the health of Vice President elect, Wm. R. King, and his reply was that he saw Mr. King on his way through Alabama, a few days before, and that his health was greatly improved much better than usual. ' The report, therefore, put in circulation a few days ago about Col. King's death, is doubtless entirely unfounded. gy- We repeat the statement, heretofore made u: norur that. nr. uraKe. ine oenaior irvui 111 tUI3 J T-rj ei, . Wash, has voted uniformly for flfr. Dobbin for ben ator. Onr Reporter waft mistaKep m swing mat, ... . . .. . . Dr. Drake voted for Gen. Saunders. A oHicn ltcre. A Professorship of Agriculture has been endowed in Delaware College, and will go into operation the present winter. This is as it should be. We should like to see a similar Pro fessorship in our Uuiversity. SUFFRAGE. It will be that a great and fundamental principle of free gov ernment is in danger I On Tuesday last the Sen ate of North Carolina refused the Constitutional majority to the Free Suffrage biU ; and that meas ure the vote having been reconsidered awaits to-day (Friday) final action in that body. It would be useless, at this time of day in the high noon of the" nineteenth century, and amid the full blaze of political equality at the ballot-box, which pours in upon us from thirty sovereign States of the Confederacy to argue the question of Free Suffrage, or to enlarge upon its claims upon all hearts and judgments as a measure founded in right, truth, and justice. The hour for argument has gone by. Three times, and in sounds " loud as seven thunders uttering their voices," have the people of this State proclaimed for this change in their fundamental law. Disregarded at first, or rather not sufficiently regarded, they issued their commands again and again, until at length their House of Commons, animated by a sense of duty and of right, gave to the bill more than the Con stitutional strength necessary to perfect it in that body ; and now it vibrates in the Senate between defeat and triumph in the Senate, where the land holders alone can speak, and where, if this meas ure is defeated, exclusiveness, the remnants of feu-: dal aristocracy, and all the prejudices which belong to class legislation will have won the day over the well-ascertained, the undoubted will of the freemen of the State. More than this if Free Suffrage is defeated, that defeat will be recorded in the face of the fact that nearly two-thirds of the landhol ders themselves are in favor of the change, as is evidenced by the vote of the Senate on Tuesday ! And has it come this ? Are we'still to be told that the landholders are to rule, if they choose, in both branches of the Assembly ? Is it nothing to the tax-payer who owns no land, or to the tax payer who owns less than fifty acres, that the land holders elect one branch of the Assembly of them selves and by themselves, and then turn to the Com mons box and cast, of the fifty thousand votes thrown into that box, forty thousand ? Is it noth ing to the man of stocks, of money at interest, or who owns slaves and real estate, that his taxes to the State are estimated in apportioning the Senate, and Senators actually based upon them, and then he is refused the right of voting for these Senators ? Away with such an unjust discrimination ! Away with the doctrine that the people are not to be trusted with their own government 1 Away with the idea that the non-landholders would oppress the landholders, or infringe their rights of property ! If the absurd notion of having one class of men to vote in one box and another class in another is to prevail, then provide at once that the landhol ders shall vote onlv for Senators and the non-land holders, as now, only for Commoners. The truth is, the leading and governing principle in establish ing representation in all free government is this : The Senate is based upon property of all kinds that is, upon the taxes paid on this property, and the Commons or House of Delegates on population that is, there is one Commoner or Delegate for a given number of that population ; and then, as a matter of course, all property, all classes and all interests being represented, provided for, taken care of in the basis of apportionment, all classes ought to be allowed to vote. This is the rule ; and this rule cannot be successfully assailed. It is a gratifying fact that every Democratic mem ber of the Commons is in favor of this measure, and that every Democratic member on the floor of the Senate voted for it on Tuesday Mr. Hoke hav ing voted in the negative in order to obtain the right to move a reconsideration, fifteen Whig votes were cast against it in the isenate, and some- of the Whigs refused to vote. The Whig mem bers of the Senate have the power to pass the bill, and, if it should fail, the Whig party will beheld responsible before the people for its failure. The Whig members, it is understood, have caucused upon if caucused upon a proposition to establish pnnalitv between citizen and citizen at the ballot- -i j . ... box: and upon their heads, therefore, as a party, (it the bill should be defeated) will the withering judg ment of the people fall. We pledge ourselves to jm mi 1 this contest, now and hereafter, ihis judgment, shall find voices in every quarter of the State. It shall peal, like the trump of docm, upon the ear of many a Senator, who, at home, makes hne protes- sions of respect for the public will, but who here dis regards and tramples down that will. Ihe Jiast, the West, the North, and the South will speak a- gain, but they will speak through other men until the work is accomplished. . But we still hope for a better result. We still mm 'im f If 1 " 1 r A , hope that some ot those w nigs in uic oemuw wu refused to vote on Tuesday, or who voted against the bill, will reconsider the matter and conclude to lend their aid. AH that is asked ot tnem is, w put the measure before the people ; if they approve ' . .... -ii I II ..th. nnt- Tutll hatha it ot th rw S. It Will De WB1I, iui uio v " people's ; if they disapprove it, we shall bow in si lence to their verdict is not tnis iair ! uj - ' - ... -r . .1 ! one, who is willing to give the people a final Aor- ing, object to it ! We shall see The obsequies in memory of Daniel Webster which took place ip Boston on the 30th instant, were magnificent The procession was immense General Pierce was present An oration was de livered at Faneuil Hall by George S. Billiard, Esq. of that City. The specie entered at Panama during the month of October amountea ro ipo&w.vw FREE SUFFRAGE. - V - IKIAKI' WJUUfibJfUJNDJSJMUJi., ,;.,;l.f jbie.(wi. the mptet entertained towards j taken place since the reception o vaur desoatch-of We conclude below the Correspondence between Mr. Buchanan and Gen. Saunders in relation to the purchase of Cuba : Mr. Saunders to Mr. i?Aa7ttin. --Extracts. . La Grama, July 29, 1848. S : I had the honor to receive, by the hands of Mr. aawyer, on the 34th instant, despatch No. 21, enclosing copies of a letter from the Department to Mr. Campbell, and of a confidential order from the decretory of War to Major General Butler, all rela ting to matters in Cuba, together with a speoial com mission from the President, authorizing me to enter into negotiations tor the cession of that island to the U mted Mates. In acknowledging the receipt of these pagers, I oeg to express to the President my deep obligations for this distinguished mark of confidence in confiding to me so important and delicate a commission, and at the same time to express to you my thanks for the very full and valuable information you have given me in your despatch. I shall not fail to avail myself freely of its suggestions, tacts, and arguments, in any negotiation T may have on the subject. As I am directed to make a full and faithful report to the Department of every thing which may trans pire in connexion with the subject, I have thought it advisable to avail myself of your, directions to en gage a special messenger to carry this communication as far as Liverpool, and to make it as full as I can at this time, so that in any future despatch I may refer to it in a way you will understand, without at the same time risking any thing by a miscarriage. There are difficulties which surround the subject which meets us at the threshold, and which it is prop er I should explain, that you may be the belter pre pared to judge as to the course I may find it necessa ry tn pursue in the business. In the first place, I am not a little embarrassed as to the person to whom I should firsj open the subject. I have also heard from another source that the Duke of Sotomayor was unfriendly to the United States. I have not myself discovered any feeling of the kind. On the contrary, he always speaks with pride of his grandfather, Governor McKean, and with respect of our country. Gen. Narvaez, the president of the council, is a bold, fearless man, the soul of the Cabinet. Yet he is difficult of approach, and might not like the respon sibility ,of having the subject in the first instance broached to him. Another difficulty, and, as I fear, an insurmountable one, is the influence of the Queen Mother. She has great control over her daughter, and is feared by the Ministry, and I suspect would most deeidedly object to the cession. She has con siderable investments in Cuba, from which she de rives great profits. These investments are loudly complained of by the people of tfavana, as interfering with their pri vate matters,and such as the Queen Mother should not intermeddle with- such as gas-light companies, and other associations, in a small way. She could only be silenced by a prospect of gain, or indemnity for her loss ; but at tkis stage of the business it is not necessary she should know any thing about it, un less the Minister should see fit to consult her. I have already intimated to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs my wish to have a private interview witlVhim, and received an answer through his secretary, that he was confined to his chamber by a servere attack of the gout, but would see me so soon as he was able to attend to business. Whether 1 shall ask an au dience of Gen. Narvacs will depend on my meeting with a favorable opportunity for doing so. At tnja stage of my report, I heard there was like ly to be a change in the office of Minister of For eign Affairs. I deemed it prudent to see Gen. Narvaez, and as certain the truth of the rumor. He readily informed me the health of the Duke of Sotomayor rendered it necessary for him to retire, and that Mr. Pidal would take his place. I at once deeided to ask a private interview of General Narvaez, and to make to him my communication in regard to Cuba. He, without hesitation, acceded to my request, if it should be my pleasure to make any oommunioation to him. It was arranged I should call the next day, when he would receive me at an early hour. I according ly called at the hour appointed, and opened the con versation by stating the information which had been given by Mr. Campbell relative to the threatened in surrection in the Havana ; your instructions to our Consul as to the caution to be used in his words and actions, to avoid even the suspicion of encouraging the insurgents ; and the positive order ot the secre tary of War to Major General Butler to prevent any attempt on the pari of the volunteers in their return from Mexico from stopping at the Havana. He ex pressed himself as thankful of the information ; as entirely satisfied with the conduct of our Govern ment ; and requested me to express nuchaa gratias, many thanks to the President for his course in the business. He further said they had their difficulties to contend with, both in Cuba and at home; but should always look with confidence 'to our great j country, from the friendly relations which had so long existed between Spain and th United States. He requested to be furnished with copies of your answer and of the Secretary's"order. I promised to give him a copy of the order to Gen. Butler, and of so much of your letter as referred to the subject ; with the understanding that the information given by Mr. Campbell was not to be used in any way to ex cite prejudices against him as our consul. I considered this a favorable mbme.it to introduce the subject which had been the pecular object of my visit. 1 began by saying: " His Excellency would allow me to advert to another matter in regard to the Island of Cuba, which, though one of delicacy, was of great importance tous, and I trusted he wouldre ceive my communication in the same friendly spirit in which it was made. He replied it would attord him much pleasure to hear any thing I might have to w ti .. . Ii say. l continued : n is excellency was tuny aware of the very deep interest which the united states ten in everv thing connected with the present condition and future prospects of Cuba; its-position, its great importance to our commerce, the condition ot a por tion of its population, were well calculated to increase the interest we felt in its fate" He expressed his full assent to all of this. 1 said, " that whilst the President and our people were perfectly content that it should remain a colony of Spain, and did not by any means oesire to cnange mat relation, several events had recently taken place well calculated to ex cite our fears, and to create some alarm on the sub ject. 1 should content myselt by referring mm to a tew of them, i he recent revolution in r ranee, ana the order by its Provisional Government for the im mediate emancipation of-the slaves in the French islands, and the fatal consequences which had fol lowed, bad produced great anxiety in the United States as to its effects on the Spanish islands. He would doubtless recollect the speech of Lord George Bentick at the last session of Parliament on the subiect of the Spanish bondholders, and of the reply of Lord Palmerston, asserting the right of the Brit ish Government to wage war against Spain for the recovery of these debts Whenever it might deem it expedient." His Exfpftflney very emphatically sig- nihed his recollection of these speeches. "These circumstances, in connexion with-the recent suspen sion of all diplomatic intercourse between the two Governments had added to the anxiety ot the United States as to the condition of Cuba. They had led the President to believe the time had arrived when it was jfadent for him to give to the Minister at this CouOcfuihoritv to treat on the subject of Cuba, if it shotlW hs the pleasure of her Catholic Majesty to enter into such a negotiation. I had been honored by the President with a special commission for this nWDose : a fact which 1 had bean directed to comma- - . . i J te to tne uovernmeni oi ner jnamsij m buuuuchcc, iii a aiiMrniiMieMiejsn in r riiear- ; . , . - t , ,,tnT.tMmMeifriTiMiiMe.ii :- and ffbichvfirom the respect entertained towards nis excellency, had induced me to make it knoWh to him." He said in reply, "That be received the in formation with much pleasure; that whilst faeshould consider it as confidential, it might be best that the Minister of State should be made acquainted with it; inai ne enjoyed his full confidence, and might be im plicitly confided in." 1 rejoined : " I did hot doubt on mat score ; but had thought from the nature of the suorcct, as the Minister of State was just about to. enter upon the duties of his office, it was most prop er to make the communication to his Excellency." Here our conference ended. As you will see, I was somewhat guarded in the latter part of my ex pressions, and that the Minister was not very explic it in his reply. He evidently was pleased with the communication. He was not only courteous and re spectful, but manifested the greatest attention and interest during the whole of the conversation. 1 deemed it most prudent not to use the word "cession." and am not exactly certain that he understood me as being 'authorized to treat for the cession, or merely for the security of Cuba. At all events, I did not think it politic, at this stage of the business, to be more explicit or to press the matter further. I hat e opened the subject, apprized him of mv authority. and can hereafter advert to the subject as circumstan ces may justify. I am well satisfied nothinar will induce the Spanish Government to part with Cuba but the apprehension of a successful revolution in the island, or the fsar of its seizure by England. The national pride and character of these dcodIb would not induce them readily to give up on the first point. I have reason to know the Government are not with- An 1 1 : r .i i . . ... . wui .ucir itrars on me latter ooinr. as i learn, nn- vate letters from England give them to understand that Lord Palmerston is disposed to wive them ironhip. and that the bondholders are pressing that something decisive should be done in their behalf, It the Gov" ernment shall entertain any serious fears in regard to the matter, they would likely open the subject, and thus enable me to bring forward a formal proposition to treat for a ceesion. I deem it, therefore, the bet ter policy to suffer the thing to rest as it is for the present. The court will remain here for some weeks, when 1 shall have the opportunity of meeting the Ministers in an'informal way,!without attracting that attention which our official' visits in Madrid would likely excite. Besides, I can, at my discretion, as the matter now stands, renew the subject with the new Secretary, which I shall most certain! v do should I discover the least ground to suspect that they are lauoring under any misapprehension as to my con versation with General Narvaez. Mr. Pidal belongs to the Freneh party, is strondv prejudiced against the English, and will warmly second Gen. Narvaez on that point. He was Secre tary ot War at the time of the Quean's marriage; is the brother-in-law of Mon. who was the Minister of Finance at the time, and the ereat co-laborer of Count Bresson in support of the Montnensier marriatre. Still he is strongly Spanish in his feelings and char acter, and not likely to join in promoting an act cal- cultaed to shock the national pride. On the other hand, he is a bold, rough, independent man, ai:d would fearlessly carry out any measure he might un dertake. Of the Queen mother I have already spo ken, so that you 'have a pretty accurate idea of the persons with whom I have to deal, and of the proba bility of success. You will naturally inquire if the state of the finances is to have no effect on the ques tion. With an empty treasury, and the expenses daily increasing; with the credit ot the Government so far reduced as to he driven to the necessity of re sorting to a forced loan to raise the small sum of five millions, one would, suppose such a state of things as this would be the first consideration with those charged with the administratiou of the Government. But, unfortunately, such is the desperate state of the finances, and of the public debt, that all seem to des pair of correcting them. The foreign debt is estima ted at four hundred pillions of dollars, of which the agent of tne English creditors claims two hundred and fifty millions. Of the domsstic debt, what is the amount no one seems to know : 'tis said even the Government keeps no account of it; or, if it does, will not let it be known. It is stated at three hnn dred millons threp per cent.; exchangeable for certain Kinds of public property. Mr. Henderson is still at Madrid, acting as agent of the bondholders, and boasts. of oecasiqnally receiving a note of prouajse from General Narvaez-. The fact is, I expect he is merely kept there for appearances. I do not see how they can well meet the heavy demands on the treas ury, even if so disposed. Certainly they cannot, without that radical reform which no Ministry has the resolution to undertake. The average receipts, for the last four or five years have been sixty-five millions of dollars, and the expenditures seventy mil lions. The army is computed at one hundred and fifty thousand in the Peninsula, fifteen or twenty thousand for Cuba, and fifteen thousand tor the other colonies. As matters now stand, when the country is governed by the bayonet, there is little prospect of a reduction, The Government places a much higher estimate on the revenue of Cuba than you seem to calculate. Fhey place it at twelve millions of dollars) and, af ter deducting the expenses of the civil and military, claim for the treasury six millions. Besides this. the orders or rents on the treasury, pay to the navy, and employment to persons who would be entitled to retiring pensions at home, together with the profits from the flour monopoly, make according to the esti mate here, some fifteen or twenty millions annually. I doubt, therefore, if we have any thing to calculate on from a financial view of the qiit ftion. Hence my conclusion that nothing short of necessity, arising from their fears as to the consequences, will force them to act. Allow me now to present the view 1 ventured to hint atsome short tune since. In Mr. Forsyth s in structions to Mr. Vail, 15th July, 1840, No. 2, is to be found the following very strong language : " You are authorized to assure the Spanish Government that in case oi any attempt, from whatever quarter, to wrest from her this portion of her territory, (Cuba,) she may securely depend upon the military and naval resources of the United otates to aid her in preserv ing or recovering it." This assurance was accdrdi ingly given by Mr. Vail, and again repeated by Mr. Irving, under his instructions trout 'Mr. Webster. With this guaranty for the saiety ot the is. and, the Spanish Government has rested in perfect security. At the time of Mr. ftulwer's dismissal, when the public apprehended a rupture, witt England, it was a common remark at the Peerra del Sol the great the atre for political discussion-" that the United States would aid us is the protection of Cuba." Now, whilst I Would not formally withdraw this assurarce. I suggest the propriety of changing our tone, by say ing, " In a war between Spain and England the Uni ted States might teel greatly embarrassed, Irom ner friendly relations with England; that she is not only onr ally, with whom we are at peace, but with whom at present we have the mosf intimate commercial re lations ; that whatever we may think ot her colonial policy, in the extension of hex commerce and for the advancement of her manufactures, the Untied Stales would feel great reluctance in an open rupture with her at this time ; besides, she might claim from us the same neutrality in a war with Spain as she had observed in cur late contest with Mexico." This language might do good; and, as I think, could do us no harm. And whatever might be our secret res olution that under no circumstances could we allow Cuba to come under the control of cmgiand stir, it might be as well for us to keep this resolution to our salves. In my interviews hereafter with the Minister 1 shall venture to present this view of the subject, as a reason why we should greatly prefer the purchase ot Cuba to any interference to prevent its falling into the power of England. I hava thus given yoq a full account of what has taken place since the reception of your despatch-rrof the difficulties which surround the subject,, ct, thy prospects, aud of the course I design to pursue in re gard lo this interesting subject. I feel highly flat tered in- ha ving confided to me a trust in whose suc cessful execution I should connect, my name, with one. of the most important events in our diplomatic history. . ' . 1 am, sir, most respectfully yonr obH servant, K. M. SAUNDERS. Jakes Buchanan, Esq. Secretary of State.. Mr, Saunders to Mr. Buchanan. LEOATroN or the Uniteo States, Madrid, August 18, 1848. Sik: I reached here this morning from La.Grania. and was semewhat surprised to find the gentleman who had engaged to carry my dispatch to Liverpool had not yet left, but expects to do so to night." It is perhaps as well, as it enables me to add information on the subject of a more definite character. On the loth instant I had an interview with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in which I was more explicit in my communication, and he rribre candid in his reply. I repeated the interest which the United States felt in the present and future condition of Cuba, and the be- lef of the President that possibly the existing state of things might render it desirable for her Majesty lo enter into negotiations on the subject. He said lie had been informed by General Narvaez ot the natrre of my communication to him, and of my authority; that, if I wished to press the matter further at this lime, he should like to hear whetheiMf proposed to treat for the cession of Cuba to the United States, or tor its security to Spain ; and, in the event.of a diffi culty with England, wheiier Spain cjuld'rely for any aid from the United Slates. "1 answered that it was from the fear of a difficulty with England, and the threat on her part to seize on ouba, which had, in part, induced the President to give me the special authority he had done at present that, as his excellency would see, an open rupture hetweenSpainanti England the allies of the United Stites .might greatly embarrass her as to the .nkri wnicn sue, as a neutral, migrjt und it necessary tag tahe ; mat, wniist sell-preservation and the interest of her commerce might prevent her from remaining passive in the event of any pressing danger, she wou:a greany preier a direct purchase ot Uuba to involving herself in war with England on that ac count, lie said he fully understood our difficulty ; that, from, the present state of things, he did not an ticipate any thing. of the kind ; that it was but candid in him to say he could not hold out any prospect at present of a cession; that possibly time might bring it about. Cuba was reported to them as being se cure, but there was no tolling how long it might re main so. He was pleased to receive uiy communi cation ; should treat it as entirely confidential; and if any thing should occur to produce a different state of things, he should not fail to inform me of it. The above is, in substance, what transpired, i did not deem it prudent to urge the matter farther at this time, hut shall not fail to keep myself fully in formed of everything which may occur, and should I see the least prospect of success, shall, of course, avail myself of it. You may possibly see in the English papers some reference lo the relations with Spain, and the anxie ty on the part of the latter to have these matters ac commodated. I doubt if this be so. At .least I am certain Gen. Narvaez, has manifested no anxiety on the subject. Senor Mon has just come into the cabi net as Minister of Finance He is the brother-in-law of the Minister of State ; is the peculiar friend and partisan of Christiana ; is reported an honest man and, from his character, is likely to improve the mon eyed matters of the country. The calculation is that he aad Narvaez may not continue to act very long with much harmony. I doubt if he is likely to con tribute any thing to my success in regard to Cuba, I have received from the Minister of State the note, a copy of which I enclose, inviting me, as you will see, to be present at the accouchement of the Duchess of Montpensier. As I found most of the diplomatic corps intended going, deemed it proper for me to accept, and shall go off withia a few days. This nay seem rather a ridiculous matter to us, but, as you know, is considered a necessary ceremony amo-ng the regal families of Europe. I have been given to understand my prompt acceptance was quite gratify ing, both to the Queen and per mother. I trust, therefore, in the absence of any direct instructions, the President will approve of my course, I am, sir, very respectfully, R. M. SAUNDERS, -James Buchanan, Esq. &c. &c. Mr. Saunders to Mr. Buchanan, j Legation of the Unites States, Madrid, November 17, 1848. Sik: There appeared in the New York Herald of the 20th October a letter purporting to be from a Madrid correspondent, and to have been wriiten by an American. It reflects in no very polite terms on this legation, and refers to negotiations whch the writer assumes as pending for the cession of Cuba to the United States. T'lese statements, with the editorial ot the Herald, have been copied into the English and French papers, and, as you will see from the enclosed articles, have been noticed by the press here. I deemed it proper to call on the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and to assure him the matter .had found its way into the press without any authority from any thing done or said on the part of myself or the Secretary of this Legation. He said he had no suspicion of any thing of that kind, but supposed it a trick of the newspaper editors, or of some one, for the purpose of mischief; that it was somewhat an noying, as it was calculated to produce a bad effect in their colonies. I assured him I had ta Hen steps to have the matter set right at home, and to find out, it I could, the author of the letter. He expressed himself as satisfied, and the matter dropped. You vjll see, from the articles enclosed, the spirit in which the question ot the cession is received, and the feeling of the public on the subject. It is cer tain they regard Cuba.a th.wfeApiM6tOM igero, and noiairig short of extreme necessity will ever in duce them to part with it. There are some state menis ia the publication which 1 fed called upon to notice. But ii is utterly untrue that 1 have ever found it necessary to consult any one unconnected with the legation, in my intercourse with the Gov ernment. On the contrary, most of the Secretaries of Foreign Affairs since my being here have spoken, cngusn. ana i nave at no ume been embarrassed on that account, as the Under-Secretary is a gnod Eng lish scholar, bo the statement does great injustice to Mr. Sawyer, as he is a good French scholar, speaks it well, and is fully qualified to converse in and to translate the Spanish. I regret to say these refer ences, with other allusions in t)ie4ettr, have excit ed my suspicions as .to the author. In this I may be mistaken. 1 deem it proper to inform vou. as th letter refers to negotiations which the writer says took place during the mission of my predecessor, I felt at liberty te write to Mr. Irving, requesting him to say to Mr. Bennett the statements in the fetter wore false, anu(to endeavor, if practicable, to find out its author. You can, therefore, if vou should sen fit, communicate direct with Mr. Irving, or await his answer to my letter. If my suspicions as to the au thor ot the letter shall prove to be well-founded, ne certainly deserves to be exposed ; if unfounded, then it will give me pleasure to have them removed. I have had no encouragement to renew the subject in regard to Cuba ; so far as 1 have been able to col lect the opinion of the public, it is against a cession, and I do not think the present Ministry could or Jf rm fa . - ' ' W I t I umcluaea on four h rfi&e 7 ----- j C " 1 1 1
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 8, 1852, edition 1
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